Fourth Power Plan
Chapter 2: The Evolving Northwest Electricity Industry
The Northwest's electric power industry is constantly evolving. That
is nothing new. However, the pace of that evolution is new ? a pace many
believe is more rapid than at any time in memory. What has been a
regulated monopoly, is increasingly becoming a competitive market. The
three interacting factors driving change in the electric utility industry
are:
- Wholesale electricity markets have become competitive due to
regulatory changes that opened the industry to new players. This
opening of the wholesale market, combined with lower overall prices
for new sources of electricity, has resulted in significant pressure
to open retail markets to competition as well.
- The availability of adequate supplies of low-cost natural gas has
driven down the marginal cost of new generating resources. In
addition, low gas prices have made it economical to operate at very
low costs older gas-fired generating plants already in the West Coast
system. This has created an abundance of low-cost electricity in the
West.
- Finally, gas turbine technology has improved, resulting in a
low-cost, efficient resource that can be built quickly and in
relatively small increments to meet growing loads. This has
significantly lowered the barriers to entering the power generation
business, thus contributing to increased competition.
2-A. Competition in Electricity Markets
Probably no change is more important to the electricity industry and,
by inference, to this draft power plan and the goals of the Northwest
Power Act, than the evolution toward open competition among electricity
producers and distributors. The principal benefits of opening an industry
to the pressures of competition are to bring down prices and increase
customer influence over the variety, quality and price of services the
industry delivers. That has been the clear goal of the federal government's
restructuring of both the natural gas and telecommunications industries.
It is also the goal of restructuring in the electricity industry. A key
lesson of restructuring in other industries is that how restructuring
occurs and how regulation changes to accommodate increased competition are
important.
The Traditional Regulatory Environment
The electric utility industry, until relatively recently, was made up
of regulated monopolies ? businesses that were, to a large extent,
protected from competition. There was always some competition between
electricity and competing fuels for such applications as heating and
industrial processes, and even competition among electric utilities to
attract new loads. But, historically, there was little competition from
non-utility generators of electricity, and almost no one competed to sell
electricity within a utility's service territory. The utility's
franchise was protected.
The traditional regulatory environment reflected the realities of the
industry as it existed years ago. It was an industry that required the
construction of large, capital-intensive power plants and the rapid
expansion of transmission and distribution systems. The regulatory system
that evolved was a cost-based system that offered utilities the financial
stability associated with a protected customer base. In return, utilities
accepted an obligation to serve all customers in their service territory
and regulation that prevents the exercise of monopoly power in the prices
they charge. This regulatory framework generally holds true today for both
the investor-owned utilities, which are regulated by state utility
commissions, and the local public utilities, which are regulated by
locally elected boards or commissions.
In the Pacific Northwest, the Bonneville Power
Administration is a special case in that it is a federal marketer of
wholesale power. Bonneville sells the electricity generated at federal
Columbia River hydroelectric dams and one nuclear plant, the Washington
Public Power Supply System's WNP-2, to retail utilities and to some
industrial and government customers that are served directly rather than
through utilities. The federal power marketer is required by law to sell
to its public agency customers at cost. Because Bonneville markets the
power generated at the federal Columbia River dams, those costs were,
until recently, well below the cost of alternative power supplies. This
meant Bonneville had a secure market for its inexpensive electricity.
Furthermore, most of Bonneville's customers are "full
requirements" customers, that is, Bonneville supplies all their power
needs.
Regulatory Policy ? Wholesale Competition
In 1978, the utility industry's near-monopoly on power generation
began to crumble. Congress passed the Public Utility Regulatory Policies
Act (PURPA) to promote renewable resources and cogeneration and to reduce
utility reliance on imported oil. PURPA created a class of non-utility
generators that had the right to sell the output of their power plants to
utilities at the price the utilities would have to pay to develop their
own resources ? their so-called "avoided cost." This was an
attempt to mimic market-based economics, and it encouraged developers to
compete to supply utility resources. While these provisions stimulated
wholesale competition, the law was very specific in prohibiting these new
producers from selling to retail customers.
The next major federal regulatory change occurred in the National
Energy Policy Act of 1992 (EPAct). This legislation created a class of
wholesale generators that are exempt from the legal and financial
requirements of the Public Utilities Holding Company Act of 1935. Exempt
wholesale generators have the ability to structure themselves any way they
want, although they are still subject to rate-regulation by the Federal
Energy Regulatory Commission when they sell their power in interstate
commerce. The 1992 Act further eased entry into the wholesale generation
business, but prohibited these exempt generators from making sales to
retail customers.
The drafters of the 1992 legislation recognized that transmission
access was a necessary condition for a fully competitive wholesale power
market. If there is to be true competition in generation, generators need
to have a way of getting their power to market under terms and conditions
that do not discriminate among the owners of generating resources. EPAct
gives the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission the ability to require
owners of transmission systems to provide access to others wishing to use
the transmission system. Again, the legislation was clear that it was
addressing transmission access for wholesale transactions only, and that
the Commission did not have the authority to require wheeling to retail
customers.
In March 1995, the Commission released what has come to be known as the
electricity "mega-NOPR" ? its notice of proposed rulemaking
implementing the open access provisions of EPAct. Although the rules are
not yet final, they give a relatively clear picture of the Commission's
intent. They require utilities under the Federal Energy Regulatory
Commission's jurisdiction owning both generation and transmission to
"unbundle" these functions ? separating decisions about
generation and transmission within the corporate structure and charging
separately for these products.
The utilities are also to adopt transmission tariffs that guarantee
"comparability," i.e., charges, terms and conditions for
transmission services that are comparable to what the utility applies to
itself for these services. The intent is to frustrate the ability of
transmission owners to use their transmission to give their own resources
an advantage.
The anticipated Federal Energy Regulatory Commission rules will also
require establishment of sophisticated information networks that can
provide real-time information on the availability and price of
transmission capacity. Some industry observers have suggested that
functional unbundling and requirements for comparability will not be
sufficient to ensure non-discriminatory open transmission access, and that
pressure will build for utilities to divest themselves of their
transmission assets.
Opening access to the transmission system fosters the need for
coordination in the planning and operation of regional transmission grids.
The Commission has proposed the formation of regional transmission groups,
composed of the users, suppliers and the state regulators of transmission
in given regions, to coordinate the planning, expansion and operation of
transmission capacity. Many utilities in the Northwest are members of the
Western Regional Transmission Association (WRTA) and the Northwest
Regional Transmission Association (NRTA).
The Federal Energy Regulatory Commission also indicated its intent to
address what it perceives to be a transition issue that will have to be
resolved ? the so-called "stranded investment" problem.
Wholesale stranded investments are those that were made to serve wholesale
customers who then take advantage of open transmission access to get
service from another supplier. If the investing utility cannot recover its
investment from its remaining sales, that investment will be stranded.
There are few examples of potential wholesale stranded investments in
the Pacific Northwest. One example could be the investment in the
Washington Public Power Supply System nuclear power plants, two of which
are uncompleted and have never produced power, and another that is
operating, but which produces electricity at above the current market
price. Fiscal Year 1995 operating costs of the Supply System's WNP-2
were about 3.5 cents per kilowatt-hour, which are higher than the cost of
power from new gas-fired combustion turbines, and much higher than current
wholesale power prices. The Supply System has set ambitious targets for
reducing operating costs. It remains to be seen how successful they will
be.
The financing of these plants was backed by the Bonneville Power
Administration to meet what was then perceived to be the need for new
resources to serve public agency and direct service customers. The capital
costs of these plants were melded with Bonneville's low-cost hydropower,
causing rates to climb by about 500 percent. Even so, until the advent of
competitive pressures, Bonneville could recover its costs, and until
recently, keep its rates below the avoided cost of new resources. However,
Bonneville's ability to recover those costs fully in today's low-cost
wholesale market and fully carry out its other public
responsibilities is far from clear.
The changes in the wholesale market brought about by the forces
described above have been dramatic. Independent power producers have
become the important developers of new generation. More than 100 power
marketers have been licensed by the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission.
These marketers may not own any generating resources, but they can
purchase supplies from a number of producers and put together packages of
power products to meet the needs of their customers.
An active spot market has evolved, with spot prices at COB/NOB (the
reference point for West Coast power transactions at the California/Oregon
border and the Nevada/Oregon border) published daily in The Wall Street
Journal. Some utilities have established power trading floors, and the
New York Mercantile Exchange is moving toward establishing a futures
market for electricity.
The most compelling effect of the competitive changes in the utility
industry is that the market price of electricity has fallen. There is
clear evidence from the results of various competitive bidding processes
that competition among potential developers and marketers has driven down
prices. To some extent, this is the consequence of surplus capacity on the
West Coast that can be priced at the operating cost plus a small markup.
In the past, that surplus capacity might not have entered the market
because it was too expensive. Low gas prices and open transmission access
are making that capacity a major factor in today's wholesale power
market. Many of these developments parallel the experience in the
restructured natural gas market.
The development of the wholesale electricity market has been
particularly problematic for Bonneville. Because it is exclusively a
wholesale utility, it is fully exposed to wholesale competition. Its heavy
debt burden for nuclear plants, high operating costs on the one operating
nuclear plant and increased costs of salmon recovery efforts are colliding
with the falling prices in the wholesale market. The result is that many
of Bonneville's direct service industrial and public agency customers
are seeking or have obtained power from other suppliers.
In its 1996 Initial Rate Proposal, Bonneville appears to have been
successful in putting together a competitive five-year rate proposal. To
do so required extensive cost-cutting efforts and efforts to pare back or
eliminate some of its other responsibilities. To many, the apparent
conflict between Bonneville's public agency responsibilities and the
requirements of the competitive market raise questions about Bonneville's
continued existence in its historic form. This is discussed more fully in Chapter
7.
Retail Competition
The availability of low-cost power in the wholesale power market is
creating pressure for retail competition, i.e., a situation in which
individual factories, businesses and even homes might choose who generates
their electricity and what power products they buy. Electricity would be
distributed to consumers over the same power lines as serve them today,
but one consumer might be served by one utility, while his or her neighbor
might be served by a different utility, an independent power producer or a
marketer. Many believe that the full benefits of a competitive industry
will only be realized when retail customers have full access to power
markets.
The authority to allow retail competition lies with state and local
regulators ? legislatures, state utility commissions and the governing
bodies of consumer-owned utilities. Not surprisingly, the pressure for
retail competition is greatest where retail rates are highest. California
embarked on an ambitious effort to restructure its electricity industry to
allow retail access first to large customers and then to all customers
within a few years. Although not yet complete, it appears almost certain
that some form of retail competition will come about in that state.
California is the most ambitious example of competitive restructuring,
but there are other states in which retail competition is also being
actively considered. Michigan has an experiment in retail wheeling under
way. Massachusetts has recently adopted a goal of providing retail
customers with the choice of suppliers. The state also adopted principles
for the restructured industry and for the transition to it, and has set a
schedule for implementation, as has Wisconsin. Rhode Island also has
adopted a set of principles for industry restructuring.
While these examples are perhaps the most prominent, regulatory
commissions and legislatures across the country are beginning to address
the issue, even in areas that do not have particularly high rates. At
least 12 states outside the Northwest are investigating the introduction
of retail competition.
Given the relatively low electricity rates in the Northwest, this
region would seem an unlikely place for pressures for retail access, but
even small reductions in price for large customers can translate into
significant monetary savings. As a result, some industrial customers in
the Northwest are using their market power to obtain the benefits of low
wholesale prices. These relatively few large customers are causing much of
the electricity industry, even in the Northwest, to act as if retail
access were a given.
Puget Sound Power and Light in Washington has customers that have been
granted revised rate structures as a result of their attempt to get direct
access to the power market through other suppliers. A major customer of
Seattle City Light also has sought direct access to the power market.
While these are the most public examples, it is likely there are numerous
other instances in the region in which utilities and their customers are
wrestling with the trade-offs between opening up retail access or making
special rate accommodations to retain major customers. Two state utility
commissions, Washington's and Montana's, have undertaken inquiries on
competition, and the Washington commission has published "Guiding
Principles for an Evolving Electricity Industry." [ Washington
Utilities and Transportation Commission, "Guiding Principles for an
Evolving Electricity Industry," Docket No. UE-940932, December 13,
1991.]
The effects of anticipation of competition are also evident. Utility
efforts to "right-size" and cut costs are prevalent. Mergers and
acquisitions are under way in the region and across the country, as
utilities try to reduce costs through economies of scale and otherwise
achieve competitive advantages. At least two major Northwest utilities
have been public in expressing their concerns that they would face
stranded investments if retail competition develops. Most utilities have
expressed concerns about regulatory pressures to undertake conservation,
renewable resource development and accommodation of environmental concerns
that might raise their rates if their potential competitors ?
independent power producers, marketers and so on ? are not subject to
such pressures. They fear such rate increases will mean customers move to
other suppliers.
2-B. Restructuring of the Natural Gas Industry
Changes in the natural gas market have been a major factor in the
competitive evolution of the electricity industry. In fact, changes in the
gas industry may have far more implications for the future of the
electricity industry than any other recent development. Not only do low
natural gas prices affect future demand for electricity and the cost and
characteristics of electricity supply, but the development of a
restructured natural gas commodity market may foreshadow similar changes
for the electricity market.
In the early 1970s, natural gas was regulated from the wellhead to the
end user. Consumers? gas needs were met by their local distribution
company, much as electric utilities serve their customers? needs now.
The local distribution company had its gas supplies delivered to the city
gate by natural gas pipeline companies that acquired the gas supply,
transported it to the city gate, and shaped it to meet demand.
Today, pipeline companies do not own or purchase any gas. They provide
transportation and shaping services on an unbundled basis. Local
distribution companies and many individual customers now purchase their
own gas supplies, transportation, and other services as needed. There is
now a fully developed natural gas commodity market. Financial instruments,
such as natural gas futures, allow local distribution companies and
customers to manage the risk of natural gas price fluctuations. A whole
new industry of natural gas marketers now exists to help customers acquire
gas supplies, transportation and other services on a bundled or separate
basis to fit individual customer needs.
These dramatic changes occurred through a series of restructuring
initiatives beginning with the Natural Gas Policy Act of 1978 and
culminating in Federal Energy Regulatory Commission Order 636 in April
1992. (See Figure 2-1.) The regulatory changes gradually deregulated
natural gas prices at the wellhead (Natural Gas Policy Act, 1978 and
Natural Gas Wellhead Decontrol Act, 1989), opened up pipelines for use by
anyone wanting to transport gas (FERC Order
436, 1985 and Order 500, 1987), and eliminated the purchase and sale of
natural gas by pipeline companies (FERC Order 636, 1992). Order 636 also
put into place pricing principles that provided incentives to utilize
pipeline capacity more efficiently.
In April 1990, the New York Mercantile
Exchange (NYMEX) began trading natural gas futures contracts,
signaling the beginning of a complete natural gas commodity market.
Finally, legislated restrictions on the use of natural gas for electricity
generation contained in the Powerplant and Industrial Fuels Use Act were
repealed.
Taken together, these changes have put into place the necessary
elements for an economically efficient natural gas market. These elements
include direct access to markets by both users and suppliers, a larger
number of buyers and sellers participating in the market, proper pricing
structures in the regulated portions of the industry, and price discovery
and risk mitigation mechanisms provided by the spot and futures markets
for the natural gas commodity.
The results have been dramatic decreases in natural gas prices and
growing estimates of natural gas supply. Between 1983 and 1987, average
wellhead real natural gas prices in the United States fell from $3.70 to
$2.08 (both in January 1995 dollars), a drop of 44 percent. Since 1987,
natural gas prices have averaged $1.89, while displaying price cycles that
typify a competitive commodity market. Figure 2-1 illustrates natural gas
price trends and restructuring actions over the past 24 years.
Figure 2-1. Restructuring benchmarks and natural gas prices

Until very recently, these lower price levels were considered
unsustainable. Such low prices were not expected to garner sufficient new
supplies of gas to meet growing demands. However, the establishment of a
more competitive market has led to adoption of new technologies that have
greatly increased the success, and reduced the cost, of natural gas
exploration and development. In only 10 years, the estimates of ultimate
potential gas resources have increased five fold. [For an excellent
discussion of the changing views on oil and gas supplies see, William L.
Fisher, "How Technology has Confounded U. S. Gas Resource
Estimators," Oil and Gas Journal , Oct. 24, 1994, pp. 100-107.]
The theories and models of natural gas supply that were developed
during the energy crisis of the 1970s and early 1980s have proven to be
far too pessimistic. As a new understanding of the nature of natural gas
supplies and markets is being developed, forecasts of future natural gas
prices have been falling every year for the last dozen years. It is no
longer conventional wisdom that natural resource prices will necessarily
rise in real terms over time as those resources are produced. This change
is reflected in the Council's forecasts of natural gas prices, described
in Chapter 5.
Lower gas prices have meant that gas-fired steam generating plants,
primarily used by California utilities to meet peaking needs, can now be
run economically with gas. These existing generators are already
available, they simply have not been used extensively in the past due to
the high price of their fuel. The availability of low-cost gas for these
plants has meant that the West Coast market has a significant amount of
inexpensive electricity at its disposal right now. The extent of that
market is described in Chapter 5.
2-C. Gas Turbine Technology
Changes in the structure of the gas industry coincided with
improvements in gas-fired power plants. Gas turbine technology has
benefited from military and aerospace research and development. This has
resulted in improved efficiency and reliability. New gas-fired power
plants also are smaller than conventional thermal power plants, so more of
their components can be assembled in factories. This makes their onsite
construction faster. These two effects combine to reduce their overall
costs. In addition, natural gas-fired combined-cycle combustion turbines
have greatly reduced local and global environmental impacts. Consequently,
they are easier to permit and require less permitting lead time. The
dramatic benefits of today's low-cost gas-fired generation and the key
characteristics of a gasified coal plant, as described in the 1991 Power
Plan, are compared in Table 2-1.
In addition to the direct effect of providing electricity that is
inexpensive and less-polluting, the characteristics of gas-fired
combustion turbines have also lowered the barriers for entry into the
power generation business. It is no longer necessary to undertake the
risks associated with very large, long lead time, capital-intensive
generating resources to enter the generation business. Thus, one of the
conditions for a competitive generation market ? ease of market entry
? is within reach.
Table 2-1. Marginal Resource Comparison: Draft Plan Compared to 1991
Power Plan
| Resource Characteristics |
1991 Plan
Gasified Coal |
Draft Plan
Gas-Fired Turbine |
Change |
| Size (MW Capacity of Typical Plant) |
420 |
228 |
46% Smaller |
| Lead Time (years) |
7 |
4 |
43% Shorter |
| Capital Cost ($/kW) |
$2,520 |
$684 |
73% Lower |
| Availability (%) |
80 |
92 |
15% Greater |
| Efficiency (%) |
36 |
47 |
30% Greater |
| Levelized Cost (cents/kwh) |
6 |
3 |
50% Lower |
| Particulates (T/GWh) |
0.07 |
0.03 |
57% Less |
| SO 2 (T/GWh) |
0.04 |
0.02 |
50% Less |
| NO X (T/GWh) |
0.50 |
0.07 |
85% Less |
| CO (T/GWh) |
0.02 |
0.02 |
similar |
| CO 2 (T/GWh) |
985 |
497 |
50% Less |
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